During the 17-year tenure of the Awami League (AL) under Sheikh Hasina, a specific political narrative often dominated both domestic discourse and international perception: that the AL was the sole bulwark against an imminent "Islamic extremist" takeover of Bangladesh. Critics and political analysts now argue that this narrative was not merely a security concern but a strategic tool used to consolidate power, suppress the opposition (specifically the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami), and manufacture international legitimacy.
The Narrative of "Secularism vs. Extremism"
For nearly two decades, the Awami League positioned itself as the guardian of the 1971 Liberation War spirit—defined largely by secular Bengali nationalism.
Manufacturing Consent: Political analysts argue that the regime utilized Noam Chomsky’s theory of "manufacturing consent" to justify authoritarianism.
By exploiting security crises, the government framed repressive state actions as necessary "counter-terrorism" measures (Source: E-International Relations, 2025). The "Intellectual Honey Trap": The regime co-opted academics and media houses to steer research and reporting toward validating state narratives on extremism rather than examining the underlying political causes of dissent (Source: E-International Relations, 2025).
The Role of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star
As the two most influential mainstream newspapers in Bangladesh, Prothom Alo (Bengali) and The Daily Star (English) have faced intense scrutiny for their role during the AL's 17-year rule. While they were often targets of the government’s digital security laws, critics argue they simultaneously acted as conduits for the "extremism" tag.
Narrative Amplification: These outlets frequently published reports and editorials that linked opposition activities to militant radicalism. For years, the "BNP-Jamaat" hyphenation became a standard linguistic tool in their reporting, effectively merging a mainstream political party (BNP) with an Islamist one (Jamaat), thereby painting both with the brush of extremism.
Selective Reporting: Research comparing these outlets with more conservative papers found that they leaned heavily into the AL's "secular project." However, they also highlighted the government's own compromises, such as its "policy of conciliation" with the hardline Islamist group Hefazat-e-Islam to secure its own power base—a paradox often described as a "surrender to Islamist groups" when it served the AL's survival (Source: Cogent Arts & Humanities, 2021).
Backlash in 2025: Following the "July Revolution" and the subsequent fall of the AL, the perceived alignment of these media houses with the old regime led to violent outbursts. In December 2025, protesters targeted the offices of both Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, viewing them as institutions that helped sustain the AL’s narrative (Source: IndraStra Global, 2025).
Consequences for Democracy
The "extremism" tag served several functional purposes for the 17-year administration:
International Shield: It convinced Western powers and India that supporting the AL, despite its democratic backsliding, was the "lesser of two evils" to prevent a regional terror hub.
Judicial Weaponization: It allowed for the trial and execution of opposition leaders under the banner of war crimes and "anti-state" activities, often with media cheering or muted criticism.
Erasure of Dissent: Labeling student protests or civil movements as "sabotage" or "extremist-backed" allowed for violent crackdowns by the Chhatra League and state forces.
Citations and Further Reading
E-International Relations (2025): "Opinion – Counter-Terrorism and Intellectual Co-Optation in Bangladesh."
Cogent Arts & Humanities (2021): "‘Secularism’ or ‘no-secularism’? A complex case of Bangladesh."
IndraStra Global (2025): "The Assassination of Sharif Osman Hadi and Its Regional Reverberations" (Contextualizing the backlash against media).
ResearchGate (2023): "Religion as a Source of Violence: Contending the Narrative of Political Violence Perpetrated in the Name of Islam in Bangladesh."
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